Al Jazeera offers this fascinating story on how Liberian Alfred Sirleaf reaches thousands of readers with his newspaper, the Daily Talk, which he writes everyday on a, wait for it, chalkboard.

Photo from the Yale Globalist, courtesy Alfred Sirleaf.

The chalkboard’s location, on the side of a wooden shack in the center of capital city, Monrovia, says the story, “turns out to be a good vantage point to watch the world go by: presidential motorcades, boda-boda cycle taxis, Chinese construction machinery, liveried NGO vehicles and UN Land Cruisers trundle by, as well as the tide of pedestrians flowing into town in the morning and back to the shanties at sundown. All of Monrovia passes here. And on their way, many stop to read about what is going on in the world at The Daily Talk.”

The Internet deserves acclaim for interconnecting the world with information. But that doesn’t mean that traditional communication formats aren’t sometimes best-suited — or even most accessible. Last year, according to the CIA World Factbook, the entire country had seven Internet hosts. With its rural reaches and deep poverty, many more people have access to that chalkboard than access to a computer and an Internet connection. The smartest communicators, activists, etc., use whichever tool will work best to reach their audience. And kudos to Al Jazeera for picking up on this story.

Some groups are looking at how online technology can assist refugees during and after emergencies. This story comes from Global Voices. Global Voices is “an international community of bloggers who report on blogs and citizen media from around the world,” according to its website.

Says Global Voices about the groups: “The first, Refugees United, uses online databases that can be accessed through mobile platforms to reunite refugees who have lost track of family members and the next, HKRefugeeInfoChannel provides legal and welfare information to refugees in Hong Kong through YouTube videos.” Watch a video that was on the Global Voices website.

“http://player.vimeo.com/video/18952455“

The New York Times’ Helene Cooper tells this powerful, powerful tale of how Charles Taylor, convicted this week of war crimes in Sierra Leone, also bloodied his own country. Lest we forget. Here are the first few paragraphs. Use the link above for the full story:

By Helene Copoer

When I heard the news Thursday that Charles G. Taylor, the former president of Liberia, had been found guilty of war crimes in Sierra Leone, I immediately telephoned one of the people whose life had been ripped apart by his soldiers: my sister Eunice, back home in Liberia.

Convicted: Charles Taylor

Before Mr. Taylor unleashed the tsunami of rape, murder, torture and dismemberment that would engulf Sierra Leone, killing more than 50,000 people and causing hundreds of thousands to flee, there was Liberia.
It was in Liberia that Mr. Taylor’s rebels arrived in June 1990 at the Firestone rubber plantation (they still called it “plantation”) outside Monrovia, where Eunice was working. The fighters were intent on the revenge killings that would claim hundreds of thousands of civilians from Liberia’s rival ethnic groups. Eunice, then 27, ran outside in time to see about 20 men grabbing her co-worker Harris Brown and dragging him outside.

As IRIN reports, the International Criminal Court has found former Liberian President Charles Taylor, also known for brutal meddling in neighboring countries, guilty on 11 counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity. Sierra Leoneans must feel good about this show of justice delivered — especially via a system governed by laws and rules. It’s no surprise that the top thugs are generally convicted: There always seems a mountain of evidence that they have committed the crimes with which they are charged. What’s more interesting to me, in terms of how the ICC is doing, is the resolution of other cases. Sometimes, the charges have been dismissed; there’s been an acquittal; defendants have died mid-process. Each of these types of resolutions reflects other facets of the search for justice when it comes to the grossest crimes against humanity.

Let’s hope we aren’t seeing the unraveling of the fragile peace between the countries of South Sudan and Sudan (South Sudan became independent last July), but an alert from the International Crisis Group suggests bleak prospects for calm to prevail. There’s little long-lasting optimism derived from news, reported by the BBC reports today that “South Sudan’s President Salva Kiir has ordered the withdrawal of his troops from the Heglig oil field across the border in Sudan,” which both countries claim as their own. Khartoum claims it drove out South Sudanese forces. Heglig provides more than half of Sudan’s pol, says the BBC.

Source: Drilling Info International via BBC

And so the civilians of both countries, who have suffered so much for so long (particularly women and children), likely will be caught once again in conflict. An earlier post here notes the worsening humanitarian emergency. The crisis group gives recommendations for what needs to occur to help stave off war, recommendations that highlight the danger of resolving key issues. The fundamental question is this: How does anyone get the countries’ leaders to make decisions that protect their citizens and give the two nations a real chance at progress? We’ll see how the diplomats do.

Here’s an excerpt from the International Crisis Group alert:

Sudan and South Sudan are teetering on the brink of all-out war from which neither would benefit. Increasingly angry rhetoric, support for each other’s rebels, poor command and control, and brinkmanship, risk escalating limited and contained conflict into a full-scale confrontation between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Sudan Peoples’ Liberation Army (SPLA). Diplomatic pressure to cease hostilities and return to negotiations must be exerted on both governments by the region and the United Nations (UN) Security Council, as well as such partners as the U.S., China and key Gulf states. The immediate priority needs to be a ceasefire and security deal between North and South, as well as in Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile. But equally important, for the longer-term, are solutions to unresolved post-referendum issues, unimplemented provisions of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) (that ended the civil war in 2005), and domestic reforms in both countries.

The U.N. humanitarian news agency, IRIN, reports on the burgeoning crisis in Sudan, near the South Sudan border. Often, one humanitarian crisis grabs the world’s attention and other emergencies get barely any attention at all. I’d make that case now, except I’m having a hard time recalling any humanitarian crisis around the world that is gaining a spotlight. I’m worried that economic troubles and domestic politics are marginalizing diplomacy and the importance of nonmilitary foreign aid.

Girl digs for water in Jamam refugee camp, South Sudan ©Hannah McNeish/IRIN

So take a few minutes to read through the story below about Sudan — not Darfur. Civilians are fleeing violence in Sudan’s Blue Nile state and struggling in refugee camps where there is a serious lack of clean water. Aid agencies are trying to dig boreholes but encountering all sorts of problems. The result? “For the moment we have an average of 5-6 litres per person per day. For survival it’s 3-7 litres, but for basic water needs such as drinking, bathing and washing we need at least 7.5-15 litres per person per day,” says an Oxfam water expert.

I’m hoping there is enough attention and concern to make sure needed supplies get to this part of the world to drill boreholes or truck in water so that diseases that could be prevented don’t become the refugees’ next deadly stalker. Read the story below and then go to IRIN to read more about this and other humanitarian crises.

Here’s a link to her appearance on CNN. She’s a wonderful young lady who hasn’t let the injuries she suffered at the hands of Joseph Kony’s LRA stop her.

A war victim’s opinion

on Kony 2012

Victor OCHEN, Director for AYINET Uganda

By Victor Ochen

In light of the recent publicity around Invisible Children’s ‘Kony 2012’ documentary and campaign, and speaking as a survivor, a young man born and raised in the midst of the LRA war, growing up in internally displaced persons (IDP) camps and avoiding abductions in many ways, struggling with my security, feeding and education, my life story  represents the realities of the Kony’s LRA war and its aftermath.  As the director of the organization, African Youth Initiative Network (AYINET) that was founded in 2005, and working with the most dedicated group of young people whom some are direct war victims, former child soldiers. Our painful childhood experiences didn’t make us less but instead created in us the conviction to care  and save lives of our people who are hurt, and are struggling with physical and emotional pains.

It’s against this background that I would like to make a response to Kony 2012, in the following four points and from the survivors’ point of view.

First, it is important to take stock of the efforts by the Government of Uganda, the African Union, European Union, the United States and other key international partners to help end the LRA threat once and for all.  These actions are important but much more needs to be done. In particular there is a need for much greater protection of civilians in South Sudan and the DRC and Central African Republic where the LRA is now active. Furthermore, many of the devastating effects of the war between the LRA and the Government of Uganda  have still not been addressed in northern Uganda, even though the LRA has not been active here since 2006. These include the most serious physical and mental health effects, the weakening of key social and protective services,  the nearly complete absence of remedy for harms suffered, and an utter lack of accountability

Second, as someone whose brother and cousin were abducted and who are among the thousands of disappeared whose fate is unknown, I join with other Ugandans who hope our relatives are still in captivity and will come back home alive. Any advocacy aimed at military bombardment of the LRA rebels remains therefore very sensitive throughout northern Uganda, and I imagine the DRC and South Sudan and Central African Republic as well, because thousands of children and adults have been abducted and have still not come home yet. My own father is deeply traumatized due to my brother and cousin’s abduction, and every time he hears about any report of killing LRA rebels he is not sure whom they have killed and wonders if people are celebrating his beloved son’s death.  These are the feelings many families have.  I agree that Kony must be stopped as soon as possible. However, it must be done in a way that avoids further civilian casualties and the loss of the lives of innocent children. Raising potentially false expectation such as arresting Kony in 2012 will not rebuild the lives of the people in northern Uganda. Rebuilding communities and rehabilitating victims’ is what we need. The stronger survivors become, the less Kony remains  an issue. Restoration of communities devastated by Kony is a greater priority than catching or even killing him.

Third, one of the main criticisms launched against Invisible Children is in regards to their financial accountability. I completely understand how generous donors generally feel if their funds are not better used. Working with victims demands more or physical and human accountability. Tangible and practical life changes that brings about smiles in the teary faces is much better than well designed financial report.  A typical example is my own organization which in the last five months received $100,000 from the United Nations in Uganda under the Peacebuilding Fund for Victims’ medical/surgical rehabilitation(Response and Redress for Victims of Serious Violations Project). With this small amount of money, we provided critical reconstructive surgeries to 447 victims of war. On average it only takes about $350 to provide the intensive and reconstructive medical rehabilitation. This money allows us to help  children with severe burns, girls and women who have suffered terrible sexual violence, it helps rebuild lips, ears, and noses that have been cut off, it helps heal debilitating gun and shrapnel wounds, provides extensive psycho-social care, and restores hope and dignity to victims of the war.  To date we have helped over 1500 victims of war suffering from  such horrific and inhuman pains, but there are thousands more victims from Northern Uganda, Southern Sudan, DRC, Central African Republic and yet, we do not have the resources to help all in need.  There are definite, life-changing needs in northern Uganda, and there are ways to directly help victims now. Let us bear in mind that some of these victims were infants when they were mutilated. They have, if they have survived at all, been living in pain throughout their childhood.

Fourth, for whatever efforts are put forward as a result of the  media storm about this film, let’s put the real victims first.  As such, simply killing or catching Kony will not improve the lives of the victims in northern Uganda.  I agree that people’s generosity must change lives, but why spend millions on Kony alone while thousands of survivors are dying of repairable physical and psychosocial pain? Any strategy to deal with his capture should be complemented  by a strategy to help his victims. The survivors  I work with daily and those I meet in my work have shown incredible strength and dignity, while struggling to move forward against seemingly insurmountable odds, and  trying to build a better life for themselves, their children and grandchildren.

The more we are connected directly to the victims, the more real our support becomes. Given that millions all over the world now have a better understanding of the plight of the war’s victims, now is the time  to work together for regional peace and a better, reconciled and stronger Uganda.

Victor OCHEN, director for  AYINET Uganda.

Here is the link to my piece. http://bit.ly/zmqlq3

I wrote an essasy today on the whole Invisible Children/Kony 2012 video phenomenon. Because of a lack of space in the newspaper, I couldn’t put in all the voices that should be heard. While I do think the best way to stop mass human rights atrocities is with worldwide support and action, the heroes of each individual situation are locals who are doing far more than I, an Invisible Children staffer, or any outsider could do. So through the day, I’ll be posting comments/stories about and from Ugandans. Here’s the first, from a writer with the Guardian, an independent newspaper in Uganda.

Robert Madoi: Julius Achon’s ‘Kony 2012′ without
Hollywood subplots

Wednesday, 14 March 2012 00:54

The resolute constancy of the video to draw staggering ululations from the blogosphere has been its very downside as sceptics have least been impressed about its dated storyline. Fascinatingly, ever since the guns went silent in both the Acholi and Lango sub-regions, sport is one of the few things that have come menacingly close to putting out the correct narrative of the pre and post-war northern Uganda on the blogosphere.

But with just hundreds of YouTube views and retweets, clearly the narrative of one dauntless black man doing his best to rehabilitate war-torn northern Uganda wasn’t appealing, even Hollywood-esque. Back in February of 2011, I captured in this very column the compelling story of former Ugandan Olympian Julius Achon. Conscripted into the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), a skirmish between the rebels and the Ugandan army (UPDF) saw Achon embark on a run that would start off as mundane and end olympian.

Achon ran away from the LRA rebels all the way to a World Junior Championships title and three Olympics. Whilst training for the last of those Olympics in 2003, he ran into 11 panic-stricken children cowered under a bus. Orphaned by the civil war, they had nowhere to go. The bus was a safe haven. Achon, scarred by the war himself, was touched. He desperately wanted to help.

He ended up doing that and more. His efforts to rehabilitate children whose milieu had been devastated by a two-decade-long war culminated in the inception of the Achon Uganda Children’s Fund in 2007. Achon didn’t have much, he took home just $5000 from some obscure Portuguese running club, but he gravely wanted to make a difference.

When he read about the two cents I had put in for his foundation, Achon got in touch with me via e-mail. He commended my effort before extending an invitation to me to go see firsthand the humanitarian work his foundation is doing in his native district. When would this be, I quickly inquired. It would be in November. Sweet November!

I always take my annual leave here at The Observer in November, so there was no stumbling block. Orum would be my destination in November. I have never been to northern Uganda. But when I was little, I remember my dad going to Atiak (in Gulu) in 1994. I recall being apprehensive about the possibility of the LRA rebels gunning down the helicopter in which dad was travelling. Dad did return back in one piece with some game meat!

Clearly, I needed something to rejig what had turned out to be an enduring attribute of northern Uganda – the worry about the LRA rebels; not the game meat! Achon was now going to give me that something by letting me peer into a foundation that is a touchstone of hope. Lamentably, when November came, Achon forgot to get in touch with me. He must have been busy – we haven’t interfaced in awhile. But looking at uploads on his foundation’s website, I couldn’t be more proud.

The medical facility as well as quarters for medical staff he has been building in his home village had reached beam level. The dream of not having locals trek 42 miles on dirt roads to receive basic medical care had now reached the homestretch. I didn’t get to go down to Orum with Achon, but thanks to the world being a global village I managed to get a lowdown nonetheless.

That he is taking this story of recovery to Uncle Sam – not on Oprah’s couch or P Diddy’s Twitter page, but some Americans open to the narrative of solutions to Africa’s problems being sort of home-grown – is as inspiring as it is transformational. Above all, Achon’s tale points to the fact that sport and sporting personalities have a role, a big role, to play in birthing rehabilitations in Uganda. Hopefully, a few years down the road, a David Obua here and Dan Obote there will author similar howling footnotes as Achon has.

rmadoi@observer.ug